We are pleased to present to our readers The Opening Diplomatic Relations With Afghanistan, written by the late Ambassador William Hornibrook and graciously contributed to us by Mr. Steve Self. Ambassador Hornibrook was the U.S. ambassador to Iran and on November 14, 1935 was appointed by President Roosevelt as the first U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan, ushering in the era of diplomatic relations between the two nations.

We present this chapter in the context of our special focus project, A Case Study of Afghan-U.S. Relationship, conducted by the Institute for Afghan Studies. We believe this document will shed valuable light for the students of Afghanistan in understanding this aspect of Afghan history and politics. 

Once again we are greatly indebted to the late Ambassador and his family for giving us the opportunity to present to our readers this most valuable work. 

OPENING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH AFGHANISTAN 

William Hornibrook 

First United States Ambassador to Afghanistan

It was In Teheran, and the time was the breakfast hour when I received a telephone call from the Legation clerk. He stated that he had just decoded a cablegram from the Department, which appeared to be of great importance to me personally, and inquired as to whether he should send it to the residence, or await my arrival at the Chancery. I advised him to send it over at once. To the best of my recollection, the substance of the message was as follows: 

"The President has appointed you as United States Minister to Afghanistan and your appointment has been confirmed by the Senate. You are instructed to designate some member of your present staff as your secretary and proceed to Kabul for the purpose of opening up formal diplomatic relations with such country. You are further instructed that you will retain your present post in Persia and return to Teheran as soon as the formalities at Kabul are completed. Letters of credence follow by airmail". 

Never during my diplomatic career have I received a cable, which gave me the same thrill. Somewhere I had read of the dangers of the Kyber [Khyber] Pass, of bandits hiding behind the high rocks and "picking off" unsuspecting travelers, of the trials and tribulations of the late King Amanullah Khan, and the scores of horror which followed his abdication, of the bandit King, Bacha Sanquo [Saqaw], and his short but bloody rule. All of these things flashed back into my mind and I therefore looked forward to an interesting and adventurous trip to the Afghan capital. 

My first thought was to advise my wife and daughter of the danger of such a trip, and to state that under no conditions would I permit them to accompany me. This ultimatum failed to dampen their ardor and seemed only to whet their desire to share in the adventure. 

In order to acquaint myself with the true conditions and obtain information as to the most desirable route, I called upon H.E. Sher Ahmad Khan, Afghan Ambassador to Persia. With this distinguished diplomat I had already formed a close friendship and had every reason to believe that he would impart both valuable and correct information. 

Sher Ahmad advised me that the shortest and most direct route was via Mashed, but that the roads were impassable through Afghanistan during that season of the year. He therefore recommended that I should proceed by auto to the Persian Gulf and then take passage on a small British steamer to Karachi, India, via the Arabian Sea, and from such point by rail to Peshawur. At the last named city I was informed that it would be necessary to charter an automobile and proceed to Kabul, a two-day trip, via the Kyber Pass. 

Asked if the Kyber Pass is now properly policed, and if, in his judgment there would be any danger in taking my wife and daughter, via that route to Kabul, Sher Ahmad said: 

"None in the least. The British have made an arrangement with the bandits whereby they pay them a certain sum each year in return for an arrangement in which they commit themselves to refrain from molesting travelers. The bandits have thus far kept their word. Moreover, a woman is respected more and protected to a greater extent from harm in Afghanistan than in London or Paris". Sher Ahmad thus settled the question as to our list of passengers on the proposed trip. 

During our long conversation, the Afghan Ambassador gave me a great deal of helpful information in regard to the personality, hobbies, aims and ambitions of the King of Afghanistan and the members of his cabinet. I recall one of his yarns as to an adventure of his own, which came to the light of day on this occasion and I think it might be worth reprinting in this volume. 


"I was serving as Prime Minister during the reign of King Amanullah", said the Ambassador, "and during this period my King was deposed by the bandit Chief, Bacha Saquo. Riots and bloodshed followed. The city and country were in turmoil. Public servants who had served faithfully under their king were either shot or hanged".
"It was on a dark night when the bandits came to my door and carried me away in chains to a remote spot on the outskirts of Kabul. I prayed to my God to deliver me. I thought only of my wife and family and resigned myself to my fate. Then I was given five minutes to say a few last words, and with the hangman's noose adjusted around my neck, I thought It was only a matter of minutes before I would be no more." 

"Just at this minute a faint noise came from the nearby mountainside. It sounded like the trampling of many feet. Perhaps, I thought, they might be soldiers' feet, but realizing, that our army had fled, I became despondent for the moment. Then a thought struck me. Perhaps I might frighten away the bandits, and cried out, 'the soldiers of Amanullah are coming to deliver me!' This was enough. The bandits fled and left me to remove the noose and return to my dear family, but only after I had seen a band of sheep trudging down the mountainside. They were the 'soldiers' who saved my life". 

I selected as my Secretary Mr. Raymond Hare, who, at that time, was serving in our consulate. Two cars were chartered, one for passengers, and the other to carry our baggage. Bushire, a port on the Persian Gulf, was reached after two days travel, marked by a brief stopover at Persepolis. 

An uneventful passage of four days on a small British cargo ship brought us to Karachi where we were met by an American Consul and escorted to the residence of the British governor of the Province, who had been courteous enough to invite us to become his house guests during our brief stay in port. 

In India no respectable person travels without a "bearer" in other words, a man servant. Our Consulate obtained for us an English speaking Indian who accompanied us on the long trek to Kabul, and also served us on the return trip. 

After the necessary supplies for the journey had been purchased, we boarded the train for Peshawur, making a brief side trip to Delhi, the capital of India and Agre. There for the first time, we viewed the famous Taj Mahal, admittedly the finest architectural masterpiece, and most inspiring sight, in the world today. Space, and my limited descriptive talents beggar words, which would do this marble edifice justice. After viewing the various historical landmarks, and making the necessary calls upon high government officials, we entrained for Pashawur. 

In passing, I may say that the trip by train across the Sinn desert was the most objectionable I have ever experienced. Locked in a double compartment, with windows and doors securely fastened down in order to provide better protection against heat and sand, the journey seemed almost endless. At every station a servant brought in a large block of ice which, replaced the one which had already melted down. Playing on this ice, were four electric fans, and while I may truthfully state that they reduced the temperature, they failed to provide the comfort which is ordinarily experienced in train travel. 

Through the Buick Agent in Peshawur, we arranged for the lease of two second hand cars, both of which were manned by turbaned Indian Chauffeurs. Their knowledge of the mechanics of the cars was nil. They did comprehend how to operate the starter, put on the brakes and turn on the gas. That was about all. They also succeeded In causing two near accidents, breaking all speed records, and giving us acute cases of fright. 

Accompanied by the British Political Agent, over smooth and well kept roads, we traveled for a considerable distance before reaching the famous Kyber Pass, famed both in fiction and Indian frontier history. 

Following much the same trail that was blazed by Alexander the Great, this circuitous and once dangerous highway is one of the most remarkable feats of engineering skill in the world. It winds its crooked way through a mountainous country, but possesses the twin virtues of being both wide and paved the entire distance. As silent sentinels one might observe British fortifications at intervals and British troops stationed at strategic points. It is in fact a military road, built to enable the British forces to make speedy troop movements in the event that its northwest territory should ever be threatened. 

On April 25th, 1936, we reached the British-Afghan frontier, where the British Political Agent wished us "god speed", and turned us over to a high ranking officer in the Afghan army. Here we came face to face with a sign reading: "It is forbidden to enter Afghan territory". Accompanying, the above mentioned officer, was a "guard of honor", the members of which first "presented arms", and, after a brief ceremony and exchange of felicitations, followed us in trucks on the long trek to Kabul. 

At regular intervals, squads of Afghan soldiers stood at attention in the villages, along the roadside innumerable uniformed guards had been placed at hundreds of vantage points, covering the itinerary and gave the customary salute as we passed. Our approach to Kabul disclosed a scenic wonderlands with lofty mountain peaks and an abundance of trees and shrubbery. 

When we sighted the Capital, we were met by the Director General of Protocol at a point five miles from the city limits; invited to tea, and from this point escorted to the new section of Kabul and assigned to one of the new and modern homes built by the late King, Amanullah for his private secretary. We were there informed that we should be the guests of the Afghan government for a period of three days, and after the allotted time had expired, I leased this home for the remaining, period of our stay in Kabul. 

An informal interview with the Minister for Foreign Affairs was arranged for the purpose of presenting my letter requesting an audience with His Majesty, Al-Mutawakkil Ala-Allah Muhammad Zahir Shah. The Minister, who speaks English very well, agreed to hasten the date and later fixed the day and hour. 

It was the morning of May 4th that the Chief of Protocol, accompanied by a troop of cavalry which was to act as an honor guard, arrived at our temporary Legation for the purpose of escorting me to the audience with the King of Afghanistan. This event was doubly historical for it confirmed the recognition by the American government of the sovereignty of a middle Eastern kingdom, and marked the first time in the history of Afghanistan when any member of the American diplomatic service had been formally received by His Majesty. 

Upon arrival at the Palace, I was escorted to a large reception room where, I was greeted by the Prime Minister, the Minister for Foreign Affairs and other cabinet officers. The last mentioned led me to the Throne Hall where I presented my letters of credence, delivered the usual address and listened to the gracious response of His Majesty. 

The usual pomp of a middle eastern potentate was observed throughout the ceremony, at the conclusion of which His Majesty followed the time honored custom and engaged in a friendly chat with the newly accredited diplomat. 

At the date of the audience, His Majesty was twenty years of age, handsome, well groomed, well poised and agreeable. During our informal chat at the conclusion of the ceremony, he professed a great admiration for President Roosevelt, and for American cultural and political achievements. 

Shortly following the audience, the Prime Minister tendered a reception, followed by a garden party at the home of the Minister of War, and dinners, receptions and teas at the various Embassies and Legations. 

If I were to name the two outstanding members of the cabinet I would unhesitatingly put in first place H.R.H. Sardar Muhammd Haslum [Hashem] Khan, the Prime Minister, and, in the second place, H.R.H. Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan Ghazi, the Minister of War. Both are remarkably well educated, speak both English and French fluently, have learned much from travel and contacts with European statesmen, and, above all, are definitely and irrevocably pro-American. In conversation with both of these cabinet officers, I was repeatedly assured that the natural resources of Afghanistan only await the American capital and American enterprise to convert the Kingdom into one of the most prosperous nations in the middle east. 

Afraid to permit either Great Britain or Russia to exploit their mineral wealth because of the close proximity of their borders to these two nations, Afghanistan is definitely looking to the United States to develop her gold, oil, iron, steel and coal mines. 

New cotton and woolen mills have already been established in Afghanistan; sheep, cattle and goats are raised in large numbers on the plains and grain, fruit and vegetables grow in profusion on the fertile soil, with a result that poverty is uncommon. 

In my judgment, Afghanistan is capable of supporting a population more than twice as the eleven million people now claimed by the Government. This statement is based upon the remarkable fertility of the soil, abundance of water for irrigation and power purposes, rich natural resources, industry of the people and the tremendous amount of cultivable land susceptible of irrigation. Its economic possibilities have scarcely been scratched, and therefore the purchasing power of its people is limited. 

Despite a feeling of latent hostility, due to frontier wars waged in times past between the Afghans and the British, the latter definitely hold a preferred position in the Kingdom. The Russians rank second from the standpoint of influence, but both are feared more than they are loved. 

In the shops the tourist soon observes that a very considerable quantity off cheap Japanese goods have imported into the Kingdom, but interspersed with this merchandise, one may readily obtain American and British goods. Automobiles, trucks, armored cars and other machinery are almost invariably of American manufacture. 

In this "buffer state" between Great Britain and Russia, German diplomatic interests have not been marking time. Scores of Germans, by one method or another, have been able to force their way into minor places in the government service. Excluding the Turks and British protege's from India, the German population is larger than that of any other World power. Moreover, they succeeded in negotiating a credit of some six million marks to the Afghan government, two million of which was repaid some years ago, but later the total debt to German financial interests was again, raised to the original sum. The credit agreement provides that the purchasing power derived therefrom shall be used exclusively in the purchase of German made goods.


Germany later proposed to the Afghan government a credit of fifty million marks, but the proposal was promptly rejected. Despite the efforts of its Legation, and the initial advantage which its nationals obtained as a result of the above mentioned credit, the prestige of the Hitler government was at a low ebb when I visited Afghanistan.
The Japanese Legation has perhaps been the most active in spreading propaganda. It sought, but failed to obtain, an oil concession from the government. It attempted to work out an agreement whereby all military advisors in the army should be recruited from the Japanese military forces. The suggestion was frowned upon by the King, the Prime Minister and Minister for War. 

It is my opinion that if Afghanistan should be forced to choose between the United Nations and the Axis powers, its present rulers would unhesitatingly choose the former. 

While in Afghanistan I attempted, to the best of my ability, to ascertain the number of soldiers on active duty in the military establishment. Each colleague gave a different number, and none of the estimates coincided with the statements made by the Minister of War. In my opinion, the country now has in active service sixty five thousand well drilled, and well equipped troops. In addition to this, it is backed by a strong air contingent. Nearly every Afghan carries a gun, shoots straight and is accustomed to mountain fighting. The tribesmen would therefore swell the military force to a very considerable number of effective soldiers in the event of an emergency. Moreover, the admitted bravery of the Afghans, coupled with their long experience in mountain combat, is, I think a sufficient assurance that as a buffer state against Axis invasion of India, via either Persia or Russia, it should prove an effective barrier. 

It is interesting to note that an Italian Catholic priest is the only Christian clergyman domiciled in Afghanistan. He is attached to the Italian Legation, holds Roman Catholic services there once a week, but religiously refrains from engaging in missionary activities. The Government has persistently declined to permit Christian missionaries to reside in Afghanistan, and, therefore, any movement on the part of foreign missionaries to establish a hospital, or make any other move towards a Christian invasion of Afghanistan, would most certainly result in serious complications. 

Interwoven with the political history, backgrounds aims and ambitions of the present regime in Afghanistan, is that of ecclesiastical influence in the domestic policy of the country. Because this factor plays, and will play in the future, a very important part in governmental affairs, I think it worth while to briefly explain this sidelight on Afghan psychology. 

It will of course not be necessary to go into the mistakes and blunders of King Amanullah until later. His failure to understand the psychology of his own people and inability to realize the necessity of building his political program along lines that would not run contrary to the Moslem faith, is quite well known to the student of Afghan history. It is sufficient to point out that the present government shows no signs of making, the same error. 

Governmental innovations which might possibly offend the mullahs, have under the present regime, been administered in homeopathic doses. The Prime Minister and his following have moved slowly, but surely, towards their objective of a modern Afghanistan and, at the same time, have taken the greatest of care to preserve a feeling of friendship and good will on the part of the ecclesiastical leaders. 

Reforms in the judiciary which will effectively take away from the Moslem courts disputes involving matters of trade and commerce, is one of the initial steps looking toward the ultimate separation of Church and State. 

Those holding a dominant position in the present government profess, and I am of the opinion that they are sincere in such profession, a thorough-going belief in the Moslem faith. They realize the necessity of ecclesiastical support and, for that reason if for none other, do not propose to offend the clergy. 

I think that I am quite safe in making the assertion that today the precepts of the Koran are practiced with more sincerity and uniformity in Afghanistan than in any other middle Eastern country. The antipathy shown toward the Moslem faith that first manifested itself in Turkey and Persia, and, in a lesser extent, in other eastern nations appears to be totally lacking among, the Afghans. To be sure there is a youth movement which may be classed as irreligious, but thus far it has made no great headway, and failed to make any deep impression upon the great majority of the people. 

Therefore, because of the close cleavages between church and states the admitted influence of the mullahs, both spiritual and temporal, and the inability of the present regime to segregate these two influences, it occurs to me that every future problem that may be presented to our government from Afghanistan must be approached with the full knowledge that we are dealing with a Moslem mind and an eastern temperament and that the reactions of its people may therefore not be expected to be the same as one would naturally anticipate in a Christian, or an irreligious country. 

Any chapter which fails to take into consideration the impress left upon the life, character, and present condition of the people of Afghanistan by King Amanullah, fails to give the proper conception of things as they are in that Kingdom. I therefore propose to write briefly of his achievements and failures. 

At the age of twenty seven, Amanullah ascended the throne as a result of a military coup following the assassination of the Amir during the month of February 1919. He assumed the title of King after the conclusion of the third Afghan war, and in 1927-28 made his famous "Grand tour" through Europe, which is reputed to have cost the government the sum of $1,000,000. 

It was, the above mentioned adventure in European manners, customs and extravagances that has perhaps done more to build a modern Afghanistan than any other single factor in the history of the nation. The young King returned to his native land so impressed with what he had seen and heard that he concluded to use heroic treatment in bringing about immediate reforms and thus attempted to forcibly inject into an unwilling people the germs of progress. Decrees were issued which required that European hats should replace the more graceful turbans; that continental clothes should be worn in place of the loose-flowing garments which were more suited to climatic conditions; that veils should be lifted from the faces of Moslem women, contrary to religious traditions of long standing; that streets should be widened, public highways built, railways and trolley lines constructed, a municipal water plant installed, and dozens of other reforms which caused the taxes to mount to heights which had heretofore been unknown and undreamed of in Afghanistan. Despite the added expense which the above mentioned reforms entailed, Amanullah outlined and put into execution a huge and ill-advised public building, program which drained his treasury and finally forced him to debase his currency in order to obtain the necessary funds to carry the same through to near completion. 

Progress was made, to be sure. Perhaps more than during any other similar period in the reign of a middle Eastern monarch, but the price was a throne. Amanullah failed to take into consideration the customs, habits and religion of his people. He made haste too quickly, spent money too freely and did violence to history, tradition and his own religion. 

But, although Amanullah is today in exile, there is living evidence in Afghanistan of his influence and achievements. A magnificent Parliament Building stands as a mute and unoccupied monument to his misguided idealism, and a half completed palace, architecturally perfect, serves as a reminder of his zeal. Roads, bridges, model stores, parks and playgrounds also testify as to his efforts to create, overnight, a modern Afghanistan. 

Despite the admitted contribution which King Amanullah made to the progress of his country, he is now referred to by the people of his native land as the "Mad Monarch". They cannot forget that he was irreligious, that he offended the mullahs, indulged in reckless, and oftentimes useless expenditures of the people's money, violated national traditions, bankrupted the treasury, and finally found it necessary to surrender the throne to a bandit chieftain. They forget that the present regime is attempting to put into practice over a long period of years, many of the reforms which Amanullah unfortunately attempted to accomplish in five. 


Inasmuch as the question of stability and the ability of the afghan people to adjust themselves to sudden changes in their governmental structure is vital to any conclusion which may be reached by our readers as to the strength of the present dynasty, I herewith submit a brief account of the events which followed the assassination of the late King, Nadir Shah.
His Majesty was assassinated in November, 1935. Present at that moment was H.R.H. Sardar Shah Mahmud Khan, then and now, Minister of War, and the Prime Minister, who is the uncle of the present monarch. Immediately upon the death of His Majesty, the Minister of War proclaimed Prince Mohamed Zahir Khan, son of the king, as the new ruler of Afghanistan. 

Members of the diplomatic corps assured me while in Kabul that the succession of the son was accepted by the population as a natural result of the death of His Majesty; that the event was not marked by rioting, protests or complaints, and that the shops remained open on the day following the assassination. 

It strikes me as worthy of note that the Hero of the third British-Afghan War, the conqueror of the Bandit King, Bacha Saqau and the ruler who is universally hailed by all Afghans as the savior and guardian saint of his country, could pass on to another world without his demise being followed by a revolution of the first magnitude. That no disorders followed is, to my mind, a tribute to the strength of the present regime in Afghanistan. 

Nadir Shah, who, according to Afghan traditions, arose from what his physicians had pronounced a fatal illness, to rescue his people from the rule of a bandit usurper, has, to all intents and purposes, become a deity in the hearts and minds of the people. During my more than three weeks stay in Kabul, nearly every conversation with an Afghan official was launched by a eulogy of the late King. No praise was too great and no comparison with any of the great leaders of ancient or modern history too far-fetched to be used on such occasions. Moreover, this feeling has permeated throughout the entire nation, and I think that no former ruler of Afghanistan is held in the same high esteem.


Because of the dominant position held by the British Legation in Kabul, and a desire to absorb all of the information possible during my brief stay at the Capital, I looked forward to my first meeting with the British Minister with both pleasure and anticipation.
The occasion of my first meeting was the usual call which is made by a newly accredited diplomat upon the various colleagues. When I was ushered into the Chancery, I found a cold, calm and uninformative person, a man who unquestionably knew most of the questions and answers, but who had determined in advance to refrain from imparting any information of a valuable character. I obtained nothing from this interview other than an unpleasant and disagreeable feeling that I had been conversing with a Sphinx. 

However, when the Minister returned the initial call, he thawed out a bit. His ice complex had partially melted, his cold exterior gave some suggestion of warmth, and he became mildly conversational. On the occasion of the third interview, he opened up both his heart and his mind, giving me information which would have required months to obtain from less reliable sources. 

He was not hostile to my mission even on the date of the first meeting. He was just thoroughly and absolutely British in temperament, and proposed to reassure himself that I might be trusted with any information, which he felt inclined to contribute. 

I had not been long in Kabul before I received a letter from one of our Secretaries of Legation, who during the early years of his service, had made a vacation tour through Afghanistan and written a dispatch to the Department of State on what he had seen and heard. The dispatch was reduced to pamphlet form and, because of the paucity of information available on the subject, I had read it prior to leaving Teheran. 

Due to the fact the dispatch above mentioned was written thirteen years prior to the date of my own appointment, and that the then King and members of his cabinet had long since been deposed, I was frankly amazed to learn, through my correspondents, that he had inadvertently misspelled the names of the French and Soviet Ministers. I was asked to make a correction in the spelling of names which no longer spelled anything in the diplomatic corps for the simple reason that both of these gentlemen had moved to fairer climes and more attractive diplomatic waters. 

Finally the day came when I believed I had obtained all of the information desired by the Department of State, and I therefore fixed a date for my departure. When the Afghan government was advised, I was met with a veritable avalanche of reasons why I should prolong my visit. In fact, the Prim Minister suggested the advisability of a personal cablegram from the King of Afghanistan to President Roosevelt requesting that I not only prolong my stay, but remain in Kabul indefinitely. The Minister finally yielded to my request that such a cable should be withheld. We had been wined and dined by nearly every Ambassador or Minister in Kabul, as well as by a considerable number of high Afghan officials. It therefore appeared necessary to tender a dinner party to those to whom we indebted. We lacked competent servants, linen and silver, and therefore approached the hotel manager with a request that he bring his trained staff to our temporary Legation and prepare and serve the meal. This was agreed to and the menu worked out carefully between the manager and my wife.


On the afternoon of the day appointed for the dinner, we attended an official reception which lasted until a late hour. We rushed home to dress, only to find the table set in typical middle eastern hotel style. Catsup, mustard and horseradish adorned each end of the table; each water glass was made the receptacle for a napkin, and small glasses of toothpicks topped off what the hotel management believed was a perfect setting for a diplomatic dinner. In one thing, and in one thing only, he excelled, and that was in the profusion of flowers.
With visions of poor table service and a poor quality of food, my wife quickly rearranged the table. In the meantime I called into consultation my young secretary and commissioned him to mix the most potent cocktail that could be produced by the hand of man. Something had to be done, and done quickly to save the party, and that something this young man accomplished. 

Before the evening was well along, the Russian Ambassador was conversing freely with the wife of the British Minister, with whom he had heretofore not been on speaking terms. An air of gaiety, such as is seldom seen in diplomatic circles, seemed to be contagious among our guests. I was later frequently informed by those who attended that it was, without a doubt, the most successful diplomatic function ever held in Kabul. Later I asked the young secretary as to the ingredients of the cocktail. His answer was, "A little of everything". 

Just prior to the date of our departure, the Prime Minister tendered a farewell dinner. The table appointments, the service and the food were excellent. An orchestra played soft music in the palace grounds, and the dinner table conversation was on a par with that one may hear in Washington, Paris or London. 

After the usual farewell calls upon cabinet ministers and members of the diplomatic corps, we said farewell to Kabul and started out on the long Journey to Karachi. We were accompanied by a Foreign Office official as far as the British-Afghan frontier, where he proudly pointed to a crumbling fort. "There," said the official, "eighty seven Afghans once defeated five thousand British troops". I later was told by a British army officer that his government had no record of this particular engagement. 

Enroute southward we made a brief stay at Quetta, Baluchistan and while there were the guests of provincial officials. Here the British have always maintained a large body of troops and we had the pleasure of meeting a very considerable number of the officers assigned to the post. An evening garden party, with music from an excellent military band, added to the pleasure of this brief interlude in the journey. 

It was therefore, a severe shock to learn one week later, that Quetta had been almost completely destroyed by a disastrous earthquake, and that the very home in which we had slept peacefully for one night, had shared the same fate meted out to government buildings, mercantile establishments, and other private homes. 

With our second car loaded with rare song-birds which had been presented to us by Afghan officials in Kabul, and choice fruits which were the gift of the Governor of Kandahar, we proceeded to retrace our steps to Karachi, and, after an uneventful trip, finally reached Teheran. 

In conclusion, I may truthfully state that I have never come in contact with a more gracious, kindly or intelligent group of officials than those I had the pleasure of meeting in Kabul. It was indeed a privilege to have the honor of qualifying, as the first United States Minister to Afghanistan, but it was a greater privilege to meet its officials on terms of equality and friendship.