Many Roads Lead to Rome
By

Dr. G. Rauf Roashan

Abstract: There are so many questions about Post Taleban administration in Afghanistan and the role of former King in the establishment and running of a transitional government. This article addresses some of these questions and some other political concerns regarding this sensitive times in the life of the Afghan nation. (It is a must read and ponder article.)

With the American determination to topple down Taleban regime in Afghanistan came a new flurry of diplomatic and other activities that directly or indirectly lead politicians to the ancient city of Rome. The former King of Afghanistan, Mohammad Zahir Shah has lived in this city for more than a quarter of a century. He was deposed as Monarch of Afghanistan by his cousin Mohammad Daoud, who himself did not survive a Soviet supported coup against his regime.

The decision to topple down Taleban regime in Afghanistan came slowly. In the beginning, immediately after the terrorist attacks on America on September 11, 2001, the American Secretary of State said that if Taleban handed over Osama to the United States, the US will not bother to dislodge Taleban from power and that they could continue to rule. Later, when Taleban adamantly refused to hand over Osama the son of Laden, the US became more determined to overthrow their regime. The US however had to find a feasible alternative to the Taleban government. At this time, the Northern Alliance, which is an opposition to the Taleban and a claimer to power itself, had lost one of its key leaders in the demise of the famed Afghan fighter Ahmad Shah Masoud killed by Arab terrorists two days before the fateful tragedy in New York and Washington, DC. The alliance by itself due to its past history of destruction in Afghanistan did not seem a viable alternative.

In Rome, the United States had discovered earlier the nucleus of a feasible alternative in the person of the former King of Afghanistan who had proposed convening of a Loya Jirga as a traditional and workable solution to the problem in Afghanistan. This proposal had received the support of some American key politicians and policy makers. Among these was Dr. Khalilzad who is now a special advisor to President Bush in the White House on issues related to South Asia and the Middle East. A number of House Representatives and Senators as well as a concurrent resolution of the United States Congress also had supported the move. The move claims provision of a democratic procedure to involve the nation in the determination of its fate. What else can the US want at this delicate time?

But the former King's proposal has been on the table for the past many years now. Many Afghans had given hope on the initiative, as the King, his companions and advisers were too slow and too secretive in their dealings. The roads leading to Rome did not carry many wayfarers as many thought the former King had already decided on his companions, many from his own family and clan and many flatterers and royalists hand picked by him and his family. Some of armed movements inside the country and some leaders of the former Mujahideen now living in exile or in an inert condition inside had shunned the idea of a transfer of power to the former King. Taleban, Hikmatyar, Sayaf, and even leaders of the Northern Alliance such as Rabbani in the beginning had rejected participation of the King in finding of a solution for Afghanistan. Afghanistan's neighbors, and even the Organization of the Islamic Conference remained silent on the possibility. 

But it is interesting to note that a decision by the United States has changed the environment so much so that many diplomats and non-diplomats, some elders and so called leaders and some power thirsty individuals all have rushed to airline ticket offices or bought train tickets to Rome. Those who could not do so have sent messages and some indications for assistance and help to the former King. He has suddenly emerged as national hero after many years of life as a deposed king. Evidence of this can now be seen in rumors that go around about possible high-ranking officials in the transitional administration that the former King would bring to Afghanistan. Prominent names mentioned are;

Abdul Haq, a former Mujahideen commander, a favorite of President Reagan and a brave warrior who has suffered a lot for his efforts in the way of freedom for his country. He has given martyrs from his own family to cowardly acts of terror. All in all he is a proven freedom fighter. But could all freedom fighters serve as good statesmen? Administrators? Politicians?

Pir Gailani, a religious leader whose family emigrated from the Middle East to Afghanistan. He led one of the seven main Mujahideen groupings during the war with the Soviet Union. He has a lot of country dwelling Pashtoon tribesmen who blindly follow him as their religious leader. He has shown loyalty to the former King and to Pakistan. But could religious leaders with undulating loyalties and no proven political success story serve as good statesmen?

And then there is Gulbuddin Hikmatyar. It is rumored that he is rethinking his stance regarding the participation of the former King in a solution for the Afghan crisis. His son-in-law's pet project, the Cyprus initiative too, seems to have come closer to Rome. But Hikmatyar is accused by many of great destruction of Kabul in his personal rivalry with the leaders of the Jamiat-e-Islami including Burhanuddin Rabbani and his defense minister Ahmad Shah Masoud. That intersectorial war also claimed thousands of innocent lives. If Hikmatyar could run successfully a government the Taleban would not be there. But could a former Mujahideen leader who failed to govern return to power and serve the nation?

Burhanuddin Rabbani, who has now sided with the US and the Rome movement and who relied in his long war within the country on Russian, Iranian and Indian support is another wishful for Afghanistan's leadership. But had he governed effectively the country would not be in the trouble it is finding itself now. He seems to be eternally in love with the idea of becoming and remaining the president of Afghanistan with no term limits. 

The Frontier Post carried a report on October 4 saying that according to Radio Shariat of Taleban, Sibghatullah Mujaddadi has sided with the Taleban and has criticized Zahir Shah saying that the former monarch not only wants to grab power through external crutches but also supports foreign attacks on Afghanistan in sheer lust for power. According to the Radio, he has said he has come to know through his contacts and talks with Sardar Abdul Wali, the son-in-law of Zahir Shah, that such peopole have gathered around the former monarch who have no link either with Islam or Afghanistan. Mojaddadi's brothers who live in the United States have vehemently refuted this report. They say that on the contrary Professor Mojaddadi has been critical of the Taleban policies throughout. But he who served as the first President of post-Soviet occupation Afghanistan is another contender in the race for power. 

On the wings are other figures such as Dostum and Ismail Khan whose followers would also claim power for them. 

Add to the list at least three members of the King's family namely his son-in-law Abdul Wali, his son Mir Wais Zahir and his grandson Mustafa Zahir (and for some reason not his eldest son Ahmad Shah who once was the regent of Afghanistan) and you have a long list of people ready to grab power in the aftermath of the US decision to topple down Taleban regime in Afghanistan.

This whole drama as it unfolds involves many leaders and politicians in and around Afghanistan and especially in its neighboring countries, too. Only last week reports came out of Pakistan of a meeting between Farouq Laghari a former president of Pakistan and a Baloch Tribesman, and Musharraf the current military strongman in that country. Laghari was reported to have spoken after his meeting of agreement between him and Musharraf on giving a green light to the former King of Afghanistan to use Pakistani soil for convening of his planned Loya Jirga. This would be a full reversal of the long- standing Pakistani policy regarding Zahir Shah and a new government in Afghanistan. However, Musharraf's foreign minister Sattar repeated once again on October 5, 2001 that an imposition of a government on Afghanistan by outside forces will only lead to aggravation of the situations there. Yet Pakistan itself has promised cooperation with the US in its campaign against terrorism and attack on Afghanistan. 

Iran on the other hand is the only neighbor of Afghanistan that has categorically rejected any cooperation with the US in its plan to attack the Moslem country of Afghanistan. 

In the north, Uzbekistan is so far the only country that has agreed to let US military supplies be brought in, but has expressed reservations about letting its soil be used for staging of attacks on Afghanistan. Its president has given the obvious reason of his fear of the day when the US would be gone and Uzbekistan would be naked against attacks from the south.

It is under these conditions that the former King has found the opportunity ripe for his return to live politics in Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan have not only noted but also underlined his statements that he would return not to head a monarchy, but to serve as head of an interim government to arrange for the nation to decide its destiny through elections. For this purpose presently he has proposed a 120-member council to steer the country in its pre-transition and transitional era. The Afghan nation can only hope that this council, that is not an elected one, would include true national figures and not yes-men or power seeking individuals. The Afghan nation can only hope that the 120 individuals would truly and honestly represent the needs of the nation. The Afghan nation can only hope that this little light at the end of the tunnel would lead to a bright day light in the life of the country and that the former King plays his cards in such a way that the nation's interests are safeguarded and the fate of the nation is not left to be determined by power thirsty family members or selfish individuals. He should be aware of foreign interests of Pakistani and Iranian schemes and of all others who so far had kept the fire of war burning in Afghanistan. 10/05/01